By Robert Greenfield
For ten days in March 1971, the Rolling Stones traveled through educate and bus to play indicates an evening in lots of of the small theaters and city halls the place their careers all started. No behind the scenes passes. No safeguard. No sound assessments or rehearsals. And just one journalist allowed. That journalist now can provide a full-length account of this landmark occasion, which marked the top of the 1st bankruptcy of the Stones' outstanding career.
Ain't It Time We stated so long can also be the tale of 2 artists at the precipice of mega stardom, energy, and destruction. For Mick and Keith, and all those that traveled with them, the farewell journey of britain used to be the top of the innocence.
Based on Robert Greenfield's first-hand account and new interviews with the various key gamers, it is a brilliant, exciting examine how it as soon as used to be for the Rolling Stones and their fans—and how it might by no means be back.
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Extra info for Ain't It Time We Said Goodbye: The Rolling Stones on the Road to Exile
He feared that his performance at the meeting had increased rather than diminished the chances of an East-West war. Somehow, Kennedy could not believe that Khrushchev really meant to go to war over Berlin. ” He thought it would be “particularly stupid” for the Russians to ﬁght a war that would destroy them for the sake of something less than their survival. Yet he understood that smaller issues than those at stake over Berlin had sparked past wars, including World War I. As he traveled home from Vienna, he believed that the greatest challenges to him as president now lay ahead.
But it 48 J o h n F. K e n n e d y wasn’t just a commitment to reducing contaminants in the world’s air that drew Kennedy to a test ban; it was also a measure to inhibit the proliferation of nuclear weapons. S. and Soviet testing would make it cheaper and easier to produce bombs. “The diffusion of nuclear technology . . ” Khrushchev saw reason to join in a ban. The escalating arms race was a heavy ﬁnancial burden on the Soviet Union, and Khrushchev hoped that a test ban could be a prelude to blocking the Chinese, who were increasingly at odds with Moscow, from building bombs.
Kennedy’s preference was for a blockade and negotiations that could persuade Khrushchev to remove the missiles from Cuba. Kennedy and his civilian advisers agreed that they could always bomb the installations and invade Cuba should the diplomatic initiative fail. But the military chiefs were opposed to trying a blockade and negotiations. Maxwell Taylor, chairman of the Joint Chiefs, predicted that a failure to take military action would undermine America’s international credibility. ” Air force chief Curtis LeMay was even more emphatic about immediate military steps.